By Benedikt Büchsenschütz (Violence Prevention Network)

This blog post summarises findings from the article „Between Expectation and Admonition: A Qualitative Content Analysis of Gender Constructions by Islamist Online Actors“*, published in December 2024 within the project SOMEX (Social Media Extreme). The original German title reads „Zwischen Erwartung und Ermahnung: Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse von Geschlechterkonstruktionen islamistischer Online-Akteur*innen“. Based on a qualitative analysis of 1,139 Instagram and TikTok postings relating to gender, the article examines how Islamist online actors construct gender roles, particularly notions of femininity as emotionally charged, religiously framed, and ideologically embedded. The summary outlines core patterns and reflects on their implications for prevention work, social work, and policy.

Introduction

The study explores how gender images particularly femininity are visually, emotionally, and ideologically charged in these digital spaces. The summary offers insights into central narratives, discusses their societal impact, and concludes with recommendations for educational and counselling practice. In recent years, „gender“ has become a key ideological battleground in extremist online discourses both in right-wing and Islamist contexts. Gender functions as a so-called „bridging narrative“ (Meiering et al. 2018), connecting various ideological strands such as anti-feminism, masculinism, and anti-modernism. In Islamist contexts especially, gender roles are intensely emotionally charged and framed as acts of religious and moral self-assurance.

While research on Islamist extremism has largely centred male-coded narratives, female perspectives remain underrepresented (Herschinger 2022). Women are typically portrayed as passive and are rarely attributed active roles in extremist groups. Media discourses often rely on narratives of female dependency on men (Brown 2020, 65–68; Cook 2020). Meanwhile, Muslim men are frequently racialised and portrayed in dominant (especially media) narratives as homogeneously violent, culturally backward, and patriarchal (Abbas 2019). This double reduction not only obscures agency and complexity but also reinforces Islamophobic tropes.

Based on a qualitative analysis of 1,139 postings of female-presenting accounts from Islamist online milieus on TikTok and Instagram, the study reveals: gender roles in these contexts are not only religiously coded, but also deeply affective, visual, and performative. They represent the symbolic core of a worldview built on control, separation, and moral superiority.

Findings

The analysis centres on the construction of gender particularly femininity in extremist online content. Every fourth post (25.5%) addresses female role models and conveys normative ideas about the roles women should occupy and the behaviours expected of them. A recurring feature is the use of a demeaning tone and imperative language, implying what is to be considered “right” or “wrong”, “good” or “evil”. Religion is employed as a normative foundation to construct a dichotomous opposition between femininity and masculinity.

The categorisation of posts reveals:

• 64.6% of posts make no reference to gender
• 25.5% address femininity
• 7.4% address masculinity
• 6.8% focus on relationships between men and women

Within the category of femininity, particular emphasis is placed on physical appearance. Of the posts referring to femininity, 144 or nearly half (49.7%) focus on appearance features such as clothing and make up. Head coverings and face veils are depicted as key signs of female virtue. These clothing practices are presented as non-negotiable. Conformity in appearance is directly linked to religious righteousness and “true” femininity. Furthermore, the wearing of perfume and make-up is portrayed as incompatible with religious guidelines. Women are repeatedly accused of deliberately sexualising themselves and seeking male attention. For instance, tight clothing is framed as a moral problem for allegedly highlighting the female body and provoking male desire. This gives rise to a patriarchal gender construct in which women are held responsible for men’s moral integrity and sexual self-control. The normative ideal demands that women meet expectations in order to be considered pure, desirable, marriageable, and beautiful.

This moral loading of female sexuality is closely tied to religious and cultural prescriptions. Sexuality and partner choice are not recognised as individual needs but are subject to strict regulation. Deviations from these norms are sanctioned not only socially but also religiously through threats such as eternal damnation. This multidimensional form of sanctioning (social, spiritual, emotional) can result in significant psychological stress.

A clear gender imbalance emerges, in that such expectations and demands are directed almost exclusively at women. Men are largely exempt from comparable norms in the analysed content. Control over female sexuality thus becomes a tool of social regulation. This mechanism is by no means unique to Islamist contexts but is also evident in Western societies, for instance, through rigid sexual morality or shaming practices like “slut-shaming”, which serve to enforce discipline and gender hierarchies.

The portrayal of masculinity is considerably more restrained. Posts about masculinity contain fewer accusations, explicit sanctions, or threats. The male body and appearance play a minor role (only 6 posts, 7.1%), while social interactions and relationships dominate (45 posts, 53.6%).

One central theme is the portrayal of jealousy as a necessary and religiously endorsed masculine trait. Jealousy is framed as a legitimate means of upholding family honour and moral order. Men who do not express strong jealousy are labelled “kuffar” (unbelievers) and thus deemed dishonourable and unmanly. Concepts of masculinity, partnership, and religious virtue are closely interwoven in these narratives.

These imperatives place men under considerable social and psychological pressure. Their role is measured by how well they exercise control and maintain moral order particularly through expressions of jealousy. Failure to meet these expectations can lead to loss of status within the group or the label of being “weak”. Within extremist groups, such role expectations form core norms of masculinity.

Another notable finding is the expectation that women should only enter public spaces with male permission or escort. This view significantly limits female autonomy and societal participation, relegating women to the private sphere, where they are primarily seen as mothers and ideological educators. Women are expected to raise future religious authorities and militant men, while men dominate public space and economic provision. This patriarchal family structure is promoted as desirable both religiously and ideologically.

Men are also given the responsibility of admonishing women to comply with religious norms. If women are “let out”, it is considered the men’s fault. This reinforces the belief that men are responsible for women’s moral order, and that the moral state of the entire community (“ummah”) depends on gender control.

Finally, many posts express a fundamental rejection of liberal and Western lifestyles. Women who emancipate themselves, “act like men”, are viewed as traitors to both religious ideals and their roles as women. This rejection extends to LGBTQI+ identities, which are depicted as unnatural and a threat to the community. This creates a dichotomous opposition: the “West” is cast as a morally inferior external enemy, against which the supposedly superior in-group defines itself. These dynamics mirror those found in the far-right, where similar constructs are used to preserve a perceived homogenous and superior community.

Outlook and Recommendations

The analysis highlights how gender roles are constructed and normatively charged in extremist discourses, with femininity receiving considerably more attention than masculinity. While the expectations placed on women and men differ fundamentally, they are ideologically intertwined: women are portrayed as guardians of moral order and religious values, while men are assigned the role of enforcing these norms. These constructions are based on a binary worldview that idealises the in-group’s moral superiority, demonises the “West” as a corrupt external threat, and suppresses alternative interpretations of religion or gender roles through emotional, social, and psychological sanctions.

These gender norms are embedded in a patriarchal logic that promotes control and conformity while offering a sense of structure and identity. However, this apparent clarity comes at the cost of individual freedom and agency. Emotional urgency is often generated by portraying the traditional family as being under threat from modern, liberal values. This kind of narrative resonates particularly with young audiences on platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, where messages are shaped by the awareness of a broad, often anonymous, audience and by prevailing norms of social desirability.

Importantly, restrictive gender roles are not unique to Islamist contexts. Similar patterns, rigid, binary gender constructs often laced with misogyny, can be found in far-right ideologies, incel communities, and other anti-democratic movements. These narratives act as a bridge across different extremist milieus and are echoed in broader societal discourses. Therefore, it is crucial to avoid stigmatising or racialising specific religious or cultural groups. Simplifying the issue in this way risks reinforcing the very stereotypes that many preventive efforts seek to dismantle.

An intersectional approach is essential, as the individuals affected often face multiple, overlapping forms of discrimination. These must not be treated in isolation or played off against one another. Instead, both theoretical engagement and practical intervention should recognise the complexity of social realities. Young people may repeat extremist or rigid narratives without fully subscribing to them, and such expressions should not automatically be interpreted as signs of radicalisation. Rather than pathologising individuals, practitioners should create reflective spaces in which underlying motivations, insecurities, or experiences of marginalisation can be explored in a non-judgemental manner.

Effective prevention work does not always require deep specialist knowledge of Islamist ideologies. In many cases, well-established methods from social work, education, and political literacy are sufficient to challenge rigid worldviews and promote critical reflection. Building trust is key to this process. Through empathetic, everyday dialogue, it is possible to sensitively address the emotional and social functions that certain beliefs may fulfil.

Where clear signs of radicalisation are present, specialist support services should be consulted. However, ideological factors are often not the sole or primary cause of radicalisation. Experiences of exclusion, racism, and social disadvantage frequently play a more significant role and should be addressed accordingly in counselling and support work. Theological debates are not always necessary and can, where appropriate, be referred to experts in religious education or deradicalisation.

Finally, it is important to create safe spaces, particularly for marginalised or gender-diverse individuals, where people can express themselves without fear of ridicule or judgement. Strengthening peer relationships and fostering a sense of belonging are vital components of any sustainable intervention. Practitioners must also be prepared to take a clear stance against discriminatory or dehumanising remarks, especially in group settings, but should do so without shaming or alienating the individuals involved.

In sum, working with young people who engage with or reproduce extremist narratives about gender requires a sensitive, context-aware approach rooted in trust, critical reflection, and a clear ethical framework. Rather than reacting with moral panic, practitioners should seek to understand, support, and empower.

You can download the complete SOMEX Short Paper 2 (Content analysis) in German language here.

Benedikt Büchsenschütz is a Research Fellow at Violence Prevention Network, with a focus on gender in extremism, (online) radicalisation, and hybrid ideologies. He holds a Master’s degree in Crisis and Security Management: Governance of Radicalism, Extremism and Terrorism (MSc) from Leiden University.

Literature:

Abbas, Tahir (2019): Framing Muslims. In: Abbas, Tahir (Hg.): Islamophobia and Radicalisation. Oxford: University Press, S. 45–56.

Brown, Katherine E. (2020): Gender, religion, extremism: Finding women in anti-radicalization. Oxford: University Press, USA.

Cook, Joana (2020): A woman’s place: US counterterrorism since 9/11. Oxford: University Press.

Herschinger, Eva (2022): Mutter, Mädel und Muhajirah: Gender und seine Bedeutung für Radikalisierung. In: Reinke de Buitrago, Sybille (Hg.): Radikalisierungsnarrative online: Perspektiven und Lehren aus Wissenschaft und Prävention. Wiesbaden: Springer, S. 147–169.